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    • nos inhibitor In Ghanaian settlements attempts to

    2018-11-12

    In Ghanaian settlements, attempts to ensure harmonious spatial and environmental development date back to the nos inhibitor era. However, these efforts have minimal physical manifestations, which could have been the “result of ineffectiveness of the existing legislations and institutions set up to control development in the urban centers in Ghana” (Ahmed and Dinye, 2011). Building regulations, such as building height and sight lines, have also been disregarded (Oppong and Brown, 2012). Disorientation is another factor that hampers the quality of perceived urban environments (Kalin and Yilmaz, 2012). By contrast, Lynch (1960) posits that heightening the imageability of an urban environment requires visual identification and structuring. One example is the Independence Arch of Ghana in Accra, an important landmark that embraces the fabric and history of the city, although it lacks the striking vista and approach it deserves. The same issues are evident for the John Evans Atta Mills (JEAM) High Street in Accra. The elements implied that earlier paths, edges, landmarks, nodes, and regions are the building blocks of firm and differentiated structures at the urban scale (Lynch, 1960). JEAM High Street, which has the potential to visually link the Independent Arch to the Financial District and Old Accra, has street edges competing with corporate billboards and temporal commercial structures. Most striking of all is the abuse of sight lines along the street, which has resulted in the Independence Arch being downplayed as a mere landmark. This issue of lack of visibility along JEAM High Street resembles that of St. Peter׳s Square in Rome, Italy before its redevelopment in the 1930s. JEAM High Street contradicts the views expressed by Lagarias (2007) wherein the visual experience of a city should be enriched by several major vista views and city elements, and of contrasting natural scenery.
    Theoretical framework
    Methodology and profile study area The study was conducted on a portion of JEAM High Street in Accra, starting from the Kwame Nkrumah Mausoleum to the Independence Arch. The research adopted the combined QUANT–qual method, which means that the research was 90% quantitative and 10% qualitative (Charles, 2001). The combined QUANT–qual methodology provides a more accurate and clearer meaning to the findings (Tashakkori and Teddlie, 1998) compared with either quantitative or qualitative approach alone. Subsequently, the fractal analysis of the street and its skyline formed the quantitative portion, while the precedent study provides the qualitative portion of the present study. Fractal analysis was conducted to calculate the fractal number of street edges as shown in the plan. According to Cooper (2003), the fractal number (Dr) is an indication or measure of the level of indentation of building façades along the street. In this context, street edge refers to the lines created by tracing the outlines of building façades and open space gaps along both sides of the street. Foroutan-pour et al. (1999) argued that the box-counting method is an appropriate means of establishing the fractal number of a self-similar geometry. Therefore, box counting was adopted for calculating the fractal number of JEAM High Street.
    Results and discussion
    Introduction Korean housing presents an easily recognizable typology that includes radically different housing types ranging from small townhouses to gigantic apartment complexes (ap׳at׳ŭ tanji). The scenery in Korean cities often reflects this diversity through abrupt juxtapositions. A relatively low city, where individual and small collective housing covers the ground in a compact manner, follows the forest of bars and towers of the tanjis without transition. This situation is induced and reflected by the zoning plan that regulates Korean cities, with distinct housing zones related to different housing types as opposed to exclusive business and commercial zones. The sharp distinction among different housing types is described in legislation, in which three types of collective housing and two types of individual housing can be globally distinguished.